Crossbow - the magazine of the Bow Group

At best, membership of the Conservative Party has halved since David Cameron took over leadership of the Party in 2005.

Many have defended and dismissed these figures as being a modern cross-party trend and many have blamed Cameron’s distant, seemingly anti-conservative leadership. Neither analysis gets to the heart of what is happening.

In the Bow Group’s last conference edition of Crossbow conservative authors came together to bemoan the politics of the third-way, and offer the beginnings of an alternative – a return to primary colours conservatism, with ideas, democracy and genuine expertise at its heart. We could not, however, have predicted such a stark beginning to the shifting of the political plates that the last year has witnessed. When Party membership was at its peak, big ideas mattered and the difference between political parties was never so clear; public vs private ownership, state control vs personal liberty, traditional vs “progressive” values. We are often warned by the current Conservative Party leadership of the dire socialist republic that awaits us if Ed Milliband succeeds Cameron as Prime Minister in 2015, but the last 3 years have proven that there really is no discernible difference, at least to the general public, between any of the major political parties.

It is this failure that underpins the results we are now seeing: membership of all parliamentary parties at rock bottom, confidence in all major Party leaders at a historic low: a citizenry broadly apathetic to politics as a whole.

The British public and the few remaining Party members will only tolerate the status quo for so long.

The question for the next 25 years of the British political party is not funding, be it state, union or private donor, it is existence itself. Unless the political party changes radically and moves purposefully into a new era, the public and rapidly decreasing membership, once relied upon to be the leafleters, donors and voters, will shrug.

Moving beyond the populist politics of the third way will be a painful process for British politics, its cultural norms are deeply set in Westminster and its death throws will be as ugly as the demolition of any establishment. Those that have based their political careers around this model that are expectantly advancing along the traditional conveyor belt to power are likely to be disappointed, those that placed power before principle are likely to be defeated, and parties that place establishment as a defence against ideas are likely to be destroyed.

The Conservative Party can survive, but its grave is now marked: If the Party cannot envision a future where its ideas are as distinct from others as they were in the post-war era, then it won’t have a future at all. As is often the case, this great challenge to the future of the Conservative Party comes with the greatest of opportunities alongside. UKIP’s rise has proven that if a party sets out clear, distinct and forthright ideas, the public will respond, and will swiftly buck the trend against political malaise.

When Peter Lilley was Chairman of the Bow Group in 1973, battling against the mediocrity of Heath’s leadership, things had to get worse before they got better, but the darkest of nights produced the brightest of days: Thatcher rebuilt and re-energised the Conservative Party, she set ideas at its heart, and inspired a generation to come.

As a country we also face greater challenges today, our role in the world is yet further diminished, our economic model based on borrowing has collapsed, our society is more divided than ever. These challenges will not pass swiftly, and the solutions to them will be varied and often violently opposed.

Conservative ideas work and conservative leadership inspires, there are millions of lost conservatives in Britain currently turned off by political parties that want to be part of a genuine conservative movement. We have the tools in thought and ideas to rebuild Britain, and the Conservative Party can again be our vehicle to do so, but we will have to make great changes within the Party, before we can make them without.

I hope that you will enjoy this edition of Crossbow that aims to explore the internal issues in the Conservative Party, how it lost its base, and how it can win it back.

The Bow Group's new manifesto edition of Crossbow magazine has been launched with a foreword by Peter Lilley MP, 'Writing an Alternative Manifesto'. It includes articles on intelligent design by Liam Fox MP, localism by Mark Pawsey MP and higher education by David Willetts MP, as well as essays on Europe from MEP Dan Hannan and Bernard Jenkin MP, the fourth way by Ben Harris-Quinney and Richard Mabey, immigration by Priti Patel MP, environmental protection by Roger Scruton and a view on the Conservative Party in 2015 by Andrew Lilico, amongst much more.

Most often the Chairman’s message of this magazine has been focussed on the issues of the day at time of publication, and as has frequently been the case in the past, in this edition we find ourselves seemingly facing the most perilous and existential questions of our party and nation.

Issues of the day are however of passing intrigue, the issues and challenges that are fundamental; those of economy, society and Great Britain’s place in the world will endure and recur. Only the considered thought of the longevous organisation can sate their rapacious appetite for ideas and policy, and so rather than passing comment directly to today’s news agenda I want to focus on the Bow Group in its 60th year.

When we took office, our priorities centred on getting the nation’s credit card under control and creating the conditions for sustainable growth. Businesses simply will not invest in the UK unless they have the confidence that long-term interest rates will remain stable, and that finance will be available, on reasonable terms, when they need it. We needed to be clear that Britain was open for business.   Download the magazine to read the full article by Justine Greening MP.
The Coalition Agreement proudly declared that the new government would govern by the “values of freedom, fairness and responsibility.” But what is fairness? Most people have some vague idea of what fairness means to them, but few actually know the true definition. The Oxford English dictionary states that fairness is “treating people equally without favouritism or discrimination”. Can the Coalition Government really deliver fairness while making such huge cuts in public spending?      Download the magazine to read the full article by Iain Dale
When David Laws resigned from the Cabinet there was much media speculation as to whether David Cameron would replace him with another Liberal Democrat. In fact, he had no choice, or rather the 'rules' of the Coalition dictated that he must. Download the magazine to read the full article by Tim Bennett... 
David Cameron made the NHS his number one priority upon becoming Leader of the Opposition. The ongoing economic crisis has not changed this, despite a morphed election landscape as the nation braces itself for an Age of Austerity. Although some in his inner circles raised concerns about marching onto classically Labour territory, away from traditional issues such as crime and immigration, the argument for prioritising the NHS has been validated by recent progress.Download the magazine to read the full article by Stuart Carroll...

It is notable that the two most radical governments of the previous century, Labour after 1945 and Conservative after 1979, were both swept into power in the wake of the century’s two most severe economic downturns (and one ruinously expensive war) which provided both the stimulus to develop new ideas and the wider popular discontent with the status quo necessary to give a radical manifesto an electoral mandate.It seems likely that the economic slowdown will do more to reduce man’s impact on the environment than any number of Green MPs or MEPs. To read the full article by Mark Nicholson, download this edition of Crossbow Magazine...

With government intervention and rescue of banks comes added regulation. Many blame the hands-off approach in the US and UK that led to companies developing lax lending standards, but the problem here is two-fold. Not only has it become painfully obvious that governments have to maintain tight regulation in sectors including finance, but that those companies failed overwhelmingly to adequately assess their own risks and financial models.Download the magazine to read more...
Gordon Brown contributed significantly to the present crisis by building up deficits instead of surpluses when times were good, so we run the risk of government sowing the seeds of a future crises if irresponsible short term actions are taken now. What really matters is that, even in these difficult circumstances, we carefully build a responsible, long term economic policy.Download the magazine to read this article by Oliver Letwin in full... 

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